The Belize That Raised Me

By TropicalGyal™

UBAD, Belize, and the Architecture of a New Political Consciousness

By TropicalGyal 

In 1969, Belize was a young society standing at a crossroads — emerging from colonial rule yet unable to articulate a unified national identity. Into that moment walked a group of young Belizeans who dared to question everything: the political status quo, the social hierarchy, the colonial mindset, and even the psychological residue of being governed by systems not designed for their liberation.

INTRODUCTION

TROPICALGYAL™ SECTION – PERSONAL ROOTS & BELIZEAN MEMORY

I grew up in a Belize where politics was not far away or abstract — it lived inside our houses.

At 6 o’clock sharp, the entire country shut down. Doors closed, children were called inside, and every living room flickered with the nightly news. You didn’t have to be old enough to vote to know what elections meant. You could feel it in the air — in the arguments, the laughter, the anticipation, the disappointment.

This is the Belize that raised me.

A Belize where the community was small enough that everyone knew who your grandmother was.

A Belize where reading the Publisher’s column in Amandala was almost a coming-of-age ritual. Evan X Hyde wasn’t just a writer — he was a force. His voice shaped how I saw my country, how I understood truth-telling, how I realized that courage could take the form of words.

I didn’t know it then, but I was being formed by a lineage — a tradition of Belizean cultural resistance, political questioning, and self-definition that UBAD helped ignite.

As a child, I saw Belize struggle for independence at the same time I was discovering myself.

The country and I were the same age — growing, stumbling, learning, finding our place in the world.

Most of us who grew up in that era kept the same dream tucked in our pockets:

become a lawyer, fight for justice, help our country.

We didn’t have the language for decolonization, consciousness, or political identity — but we felt all of it.

We were living inside it.

And now, decades later, as TropicalGyal™, I realize how much of that spirit still lives in me — the desire to celebrate who we are, to tell our stories boldly, to build something new, something ours.

UBAD planted those seeds long before I was old enough to understand them.

But I am old enough now.

Old enough to remember, to honor, and to continue what they began.

This group, the United Black Association for Development, better known as UBAD did not simply organize protests or publish manifestos. They constructed an entirely new vocabulary of Belizean identity. UBAD was the country’s first political formation to root its ideology in Black consciousness, cultural affirmation, youth empowerment, and community upliftment.

UBAD was not perfect, nor was it always strategically refined, but it was visionary, radical, and necessary. It demanded a Belize that believed in itself, a Belize that valued its people, honored its history, and fought for its dignity.

Today, almost fifty-five years later, the absence of UBAD is still present. It echoes in our two-party system. It lingers in our political limitations. It pulses beneath our national frustrations.

Because UBAD was not simply a political party, it was a blueprint.

A blueprint Belize has yet to fully embrace.

PART 1: THE HISTORICAL ROOTS — WHAT UBAD EMERGED FROM

To understand UBAD’s significance, you must first understand Belize in the late 1960s.

Belize (still British Honduras) was experiencing:

economic stagnation,

racial stratification,

colonial cultural dominance,

limited political imagination, and

youth dissatisfaction with traditional institutions.

The PUP, under George Price, dominated national politics and steered the country toward self-government. The NIP provided a conservative opposition, but both operated within the confines of British colonial frameworks. Political discourse was controlled, predictable, respectable — and limited.

A generation of young Black Belizeans — influenced by the U.S. Civil Rights Movement, Malcolm X, Stokely Carmichael, Pan-Africanism, Caribbean Black Power, Rastafari, and global anti-colonial liberation struggles — began to see themselves reflected nowhere in Belize’s political elite.

In the United States, the Black Panthers were distributing breakfasts, teaching self-defense, and challenging state violence. In Jamaica, Walter Rodney was shaping the “groundings” movement, empowering urban poor and university youth. In Trinidad, the NJAC movement was redefining Caribbean consciousness. Across Africa, independence movements were redrawing maps and rewriting histories.

So Belizean youth asked themselves a question no political entity had prepared them for:

“Where is our movement?”

There was no space for that question inside the colonial architecture of Belize’s politics.
So UBAD created that space.

UBAD formed in 1969 out of frustration and necessity — a response to the hunger for dignity and identity that Belizean parties refused to address. It quickly evolved from cultural awakening to community organizing to political force. UBAD launched:

A free breakfast program

A literacy and cultural education movement

A powerful, independent newspaper (Amandala)

Pan-African and Afro-Belizean consciousness-raising circles

Local economic experiments (like UBAFU bakery)

Political mobilization among Belize City’s working-class youth

UBAD did not wait for permission.
UBAD did not wait for a budget.
UBAD did not wait for a seat at the table.

UBAD created its own table.
Created its own language.
Created its own power.

PART 2: THE RISE AND FALL — WHY UBAD DIDN’T SURVIVE AS A POLITICAL PARTY

UBAD’s collapse in 1974 was not due to failure of ideas. Its ideas were prophetic many are more relevant today than they were then. UBAD collapsed because of structural forces, internal challenges, and political realities:

1. Belize’s Patronage System

Belizean politics was and remains built on patronage:
Jobs, land, favors, contracts, handouts.

New political movements without access to money or political networks struggle to survive in such environments.

2. UBAD was culturally powerful, not financially powerful

They had the people but not the purse.
They had the message but not the machinery.

3. UBAD was a youth revolt in an elder-dominated political class

Experience matters in politics, and youth movements often face internal tension, external pressure, and resource constraints.

4. Internal fractures and ideological tensions

Some leaders wanted full political integration; others wanted cultural activism.
The UDP’s formation in 1973 caused defections and fragmentation.

5. Media and legal pressure

Amandala’s boldness provoked backlash, including sedition charges.
State pressure strained UBAD’s young membership.

6. Timing

Belize was not yet ready for a cultural-political movement that challenged the entire structure of power and identity.

UBAD was ahead of its time.
Its collapse was not a death — it was a pause.
A pause that has lasted fifty years too long.

PART 3: WHY BELIZE STILL HAS NO THIRD PARTY (IN 2025)

Belize remains one of the few countries in the region with near-total two-party dominance. Why?

1. Psychological Entrapment

Belizeans believe a vote for a third party is “wasted.”
This belief keeps the two-party monopoly alive.

2. Patronage Economics

People vote to secure survival — jobs, land, medical help, school fees.
Alternatives rarely have resources to compete.

3. Family-based political loyalty

Party loyalty is passed down like inheritance.

4. Fear of retaliation

Many Belizeans believe political neutrality can cost them opportunities.

5. Absence of political education

Without ideological frameworks, everything becomes personality-based.

6. Lack of long-term institutional capacity

New parties form overnight, lack funding, lack structure, dissolve within a cycle.

UBAD remains the only Belizean movement that attempted to create a cultural foundation for political transformation — which is the missing ingredient today.

PART 4: UBAD’S STRENGTHS — AND WHY BELIZE STILL NEEDS THEM

1. Identity Work

UBAD gave Belizeans psychological liberation.
Modern politics does not.

2. Youth Mobilization

Belize’s demographic is now even younger — but politically disengaged.

3. Grassroots Institution Building

UBAD built real community infrastructure.
Today’s politics builds campaign infrastructure.

4. Narrative Control

UBAD had Amandala.
Who controls political narrative today? Not the youth.

5. Moral Imagination

UBAD offered hope with spine — not just slogans.

Belize still needs this.

PART 5: BUILDING UBAD 2.0 — THE BLUEPRINT FOR BELIZE’S NEXT MOVEMENT

A modern version of UBAD would not simply be a party. It would be a movement with three arms:

A. The Cultural Arm

Identity, pride, art, storytelling, African & Garifuna heritage, Belizean creativity, youth culture, digital consciousness.

B. The Community Arm

Feeding programs, youth academies, entrepreneurship labs, mental health circles, anti-violence initiatives, neighborhood building.

C. The Political Arm

Policy labs, candidate training, anti-corruption agenda, digital organizing, municipal strategy, diaspora mobilization.

This is the model UBAD lacked — a model Belize needs.

PART 6: CONCLUSION — UBAD WAS THE ALARM. WE ARE THE AWAKENING.

UBAD asked the questions Belize still refuses to confront:

Who are we?
What do we stand for?
Why do we settle for a political system that caps our imagination?

UBAD cracked the door.
Our generation must walk through it.

Belize does not need more politicians.
Belize needs more visionaries.
More culture builders.
More truth tellers.
More young leaders unafraid of the work ahead.

UBAD was not the end.
UBAD was the beginning.
And the rest of the story — the rebirth, the restoration, the renaissance — is waiting for us to write it.

REFERENCES

Amandala Newspaper Archives. 1969–1974. Belize City, Belize.

Belize Archives and Records Service (BARS). Political History Files.

British Honduras Colonial Government. Government Documents, 1965–1974.

Hyde, Evan X. The Crowd Called UBAD. Belize City: The Angelus Press, 1970.

Journal of Pan-African Studies. “The Case for a Belizean Pan-African Identity.”

Nowottny, Mark. “Not Tyrants Here, but …” London School of Economics (LSE).

SPEAR (Society for the Promotion of Education and Research). Publications.

Statistical Institute of Belize (SIB). Demographic and socioeconomic indicators.

University of the West Indies (UWI). Caribbean Black Power Archives.

Wikipedia Contributors. “United Black Association for Development.” Wikipedia.

Shoman, Assad; Encalada, Nigel; Muhammad, Nuri; Straughan, Jerome.

Full Cultural Analysis: UBAD, Belize, and the Architecture of a New Political Consciousness 

UBAD, Belize, and the Architecture of a New Political Consciousness

By TropicalGyal 

In 1969, a small group of young Belizeans gathered in a humble wooden building on Euphrates Avenue and did something that, for the time, bordered on unthinkable. They dared to question not just who governed Belize, but how Belizeans saw themselves. They asked a question that cut through the quiet politeness and colonial respectability of the day:

INTRODUCTION

TROPICALGYAL™ SECTION – PERSONAL ROOTS & BELIZEAN MEMORY

I grew up in a Belize where politics was not far away or abstract — it lived inside our houses.

At 6 o’clock sharp, the entire country shut down. Doors closed, children were called inside, and every living room flickered with the nightly news. You didn’t have to be old enough to vote to know what elections meant. You could feel it in the air — in the arguments, the laughter, the anticipation, the disappointment.

This is the Belize that raised me.

A Belize where the community was small enough that everyone knew who your grandmother was.

A Belize where reading the Publisher’s column in Amandala was almost a coming-of-age ritual. Evan X Hyde wasn’t just a writer — he was a force. His voice shaped how I saw my country, how I understood truth-telling, how I realized that courage could take the form of words.

I didn’t know it then, but I was being formed by a lineage — a tradition of Belizean cultural resistance, political questioning, and self-definition that UBAD helped ignite.

As a child, I saw Belize struggle for independence at the same time I was discovering myself.

The country and I were the same age — growing, stumbling, learning, finding our place in the world.

Most of us who grew up in that era kept the same dream tucked in our pockets:

become a lawyer, fight for justice, help our country.

We didn’t have the language for decolonization, consciousness, or political identity — but we felt all of it.

We were living inside it.

And now, decades later, as TropicalGyal™, I realize how much of that spirit still lives in me — the desire to celebrate who we are, to tell our stories boldly, to build something new, something ours.

UBAD planted those seeds long before I was old enough to understand them.

But I am old enough now.

Old enough to remember, to honor, and to continue what they began.

“Who are we, truly — and who do we have the right to become?”

Out of that moment of courage, confrontation, and imagination came the United Black Association for Development — UBAD. UBAD was never just a “third party.” It was a cultural revolt, a political experiment, and a collective therapy session for a people trying to shake off centuries of oppression, internalized inferiority, and colonial control.

UBAD’s leaders, most of them in their early twenties, did not speak in careful, diplomatic tones. They spoke in the language of young Black Belizeans who had been told, directly and indirectly, that power was not for them. UBAD refused to accept that. They insisted that Afro-Belizeans, Garinagu, working-class families, and marginalized communities were not political background noise — they were the heart of the country.

They preached a simple but explosive idea: that culture, identity, and political power were inseparable. That you could not truly liberate a people if you did not first teach them who they were, where they came from, and what they deserved.

Today, Belize stands at another crossroads. The country is technically independent, but emotionally and politically, it is still not fully free. Crime, inequality, and corruption are real, but beneath them lies something deeper: a poverty of imagination. A sense that “this is just how things are” and “nothing will ever really change.”

That is why UBAD still matters.

The purpose of this essay is not simply to praise UBAD, or to romanticize the past. It is to examine, seriously and honestly, what UBAD tried to build, why it could not survive as a formal political party, and what parts of its vision Belize desperately needs today. It is to ask: What would a UBAD 2.0 look like in the 21st century? And what kind of political and cultural renaissance could it spark for the next generation of Belizeans?

PART I: HISTORICAL ROOTS — THE BELIZE UBAD WALKED INTO

To understand UBAD’s significance, we must first understand the Belize it confronted.

In the late 1960s, Belize (then British Honduras) existed in a strange in-between state. It had a thriving culture but no fully formed national identity. It had local elections and a pathway toward self-government, but ultimate power still rested in London. It had political parties — primarily the People’s United Party (PUP) and the National Independence Party (NIP) — but their debates played out within the acceptable limits of a colonial political framework.

On the ground, ordinary Belizeans faced familiar struggles: limited economic opportunities, racial and class hierarchies, and the subtle but constant message that “serious” politics was the domain of older, educated men who knew how to speak to colonial authority without causing too much disruption.

The wider world, however, was transforming. In the United States, civil rights protests and Black Power organizing were shaking the system. In the Caribbean, radical thinkers and organizers were calling their societies to a higher consciousness — Walter Rodney in Jamaica, the NJAC movement in Trinidad and Tobago, and liberation struggles across Africa were all demonstrating that the colonized did not have to remain quiet, grateful, or obedient.

Young Belizeans were watching.

They were reading literature, listening to speeches, absorbing radio broadcasts, and talking among themselves. And increasingly, they were asking: Where is our movement? Where is our language of liberation? Why are we only being asked to choose between two respectable parties, when the deeper question is what it means to be Belizean in the first place?

UBAD emerged as an answer to that question. It was a bridge between global Black consciousness and local Belizean realities. It did not ask permission from the existing political establishment. It simply appeared — with energy, volume, and clarity, representing the feelings many had but few had words to express.

PART II: WHAT UBAD ACTUALLY DID — BEYOND THE MYTH

Because UBAD is often spoken about in shorthand, it is important to remember what it actually did.

UBAD was not merely about fiery rhetoric (though it had plenty of that). It engaged in concrete community work. Among its activities were:

• A free breakfast program for children, inspired by similar initiatives run by the Black Panthers in the United States. This was more than charity; it was a demonstration of what community care could look like when organized by ordinary people.

• Literacy and political education. UBAD made it a priority to teach, discuss, and debate — not just to shout slogans. It wanted people to understand the forces shaping their lives and the history that brought them to this point.

• Independent media. Through the newspaper Amandala, UBAD developed a powerful platform to tell its own stories, challenge state narratives, and hold elites accountable. That newspaper outlived the party and remains one of the most influential media institutions in Belize.

• Economic experimentation. UBAD attempted to generate its own resources, including the UBAFU bakery, as a way to model self-reliance and reduce dependence on traditional political and economic gatekeepers.

• Cultural reclamation. UBAD emphasized African heritage, Black pride, Garifuna and Creole cultural expression, and the importance of seeing Belize as part of a wider Black and Caribbean world.

In short, UBAD was attempting something very ambitious: to build a grassroots movement, an economic base, a media voice, and a political party simultaneously. That level of ambition was both its power and its vulnerability.

PART III: WHY UBAD DID NOT SURVIVE AS A PARTY

It is tempting to interpret UBAD’s dissolution in 1974 as evidence that its vision was flawed. But a closer look tells a different story. UBAD was facing a set of structural challenges that would strain any new movement, especially one led by young people challenging entrenched power.

1. The Patronage State

Belizean politics, like that of many former colonies, functions heavily through patronage. Jobs, land, scholarships, contracts, and assistance are often tied to party connections. Voters, especially those living with economic insecurity, are not simply evaluating ideas — they are evaluating who can deliver survival.

UBAD, as a radical youth-driven movement, did not have the financial resources or deep networks of influence that the established parties enjoyed. It was asking people to choose long-term dignity over short-term stability. That is visionary, but it is also a very difficult ask in a country where many families live close to the edge.

2. Youth Versus Experience

UBAD’s youthful leadership was inspiring, but it was also a liability in the eyes of some older Belizeans. To conservative eyes, UBAD looked unruly, impolite, too influenced by foreign Black Power movements. Its openness to confrontation made it vulnerable to characterization as extremist or irresponsible.

Meanwhile, the older political parties framed themselves as stable, serious, and safe. In a time of change and uncertainty, many voters chose familiarity.

3. Internal Tensions

Within UBAD, there were different visions of the path forward. Some members saw UBAD primarily as a cultural and social movement. Others wanted to push more deeply into formal politics, contest elections, and negotiate alliances. The birth of the United Democratic Party (UDP) in 1973, and the decision of some UBAD members to join it, intensified these divisions.

These internal tensions were not a sign of failure as much as a sign of a movement evolving faster than it could structurally organize itself. But they did weaken UBAD’s cohesion at a critical moment.

4. State and Social Pressure

UBAD’s outspokenness drew the attention not just of political opponents, but of the state. The sedition charges brought against Amandala and key figures served as both punishment and warning. Even though they were eventually acquitted, the process took time, energy, and resources that a young organization could ill afford.

5. Historical Timing

Perhaps the most important factor is that UBAD was ahead of its time. Many of the ideas it championed — cultural pride, political education, youth leadership, and community-based empowerment — are now widely recognized as critical to healthy democracies. But in the early 1970s, in a small colony on the road to independence, these ideas were frightening to many who were accustomed to incremental, top-down change.

UBAD did not “fail” in the sense of being disproven. It simply hit the limits of what was structurally possible in its moment.

PART IV: WHY BELIZE STILL HAS NO STRONG THIRD PARTY

Half a century later, Belize remains largely a two-party state. The PUP and UDP continue to dominate electoral politics. Other parties have come and gone, some with promise, but none have managed to embed themselves in the public imagination as durable alternatives.

Why?

1. The “Wasted Vote” Fear

Many Belizeans believe that voting for a third party is equivalent to throwing their vote away. This fear is not irrational; in a first-past-the-post system, splitting the vote can indeed help one of the main parties win. Over time, this has created a kind of psychological trap: people may desire change, but they do not believe change is viable.

2. Economic Dependence

In a small economy with limited formal employment opportunities, political connections can matter a great deal. Voters often prioritize relationships with politicians who can offer concrete assistance or benefits. New parties rarely have the resources to compete on that terrain.

3. Lack of Infrastructure

Most third parties in Belize arise as reactions: to a scandal, to disillusionment, to a particular leader’s break with their old party. They often lack the deep organizational infrastructure and cultural presence that UBAD, however briefly, managed to cultivate.

4. Absence of Political Education

Without sustained political education, politics becomes either a matter of personality (“who I like”) or patronage (“who can help me”). UBAD tried to change that dynamic by explaining power, history, and systems. Few movements since have made that kind of education central to their mission.

PART V: UBAD’S STRENGTHS — THE MISSING INGREDIENTS IN TODAY’S POLITICS

When we look closely at what UBAD brought to Belize, we see a set of strengths that are not just historically interesting, but urgently needed today.

1. Identity and Cultural Consciousness

UBAD recognized that political power is hollow if people still feel ashamed of themselves. If a young Afro-Belizean worker does not believe their life, history, and community matter, they will not feel entitled to demand better from their leaders. UBAD’s insistence on Black pride, African heritage, Garifuna and Creole dignity, and Belizean uniqueness was not symbolic — it was foundational.

2. Youth Leadership

UBAD opened a political space for young people, not as foot soldiers, but as thinkers and leaders. This is especially relevant today, when Belize has an even younger population facing unemployment, violence, and limited opportunities to participate meaningfully in shaping their future.

3. Grassroots Organizing

UBAD built programs that met immediate needs — food, education, and community support— while also teaching people to think structurally. That combination of immediate relief and long-term vision is exactly what is needed in today’s Belize, where many are struggling just to get by.

4. Media Power

Amandala and UBAD’s other communication efforts showed how important it is to control your own narrative. In the digital age, this lesson is even more powerful. A 21st-century UBAD would not just run a newspaper; it would run podcasts, TikTok channels, YouTube programs, WhatsApp broadcasts, and online teach-ins.

5. Moral Courage

UBAD’s leaders were willing to say what many felt but did not dare to voice. That willingness to confront power — respectfully but firmly — is essential in any society that wants to move beyond mere survival into genuine flourishing.

PART VI: UBAD 2.0 — A BLUEPRINT FOR A MODERN MOVEMENT

If we imagine a modern UBAD-inspired movement — UBAD 2.0 — it cannot simply repeat the strategies of the 1970s. The world has changed. Technology has changed. Belize has changed. But the core principles remain relevant.

UBAD 2.0 would need three interconnected arms:

1. The Cultural Arm

This arm would focus on identity, storytelling, and cultural pride. It would invest in:

• Arts and music programs rooted in Belizean and Afro-Caribbean traditions. 

• Curriculum for schools and community groups that teach Belizean history from the perspective of ordinary people, not only elites. 

• Digital content — short videos, animations, podcasts — explaining political concepts through culture and lived experience. 

• Partnerships with artists, writers, musicians, and cultural workers to ensure that political education is not dry, but alive and moving.

2. The Community Arm

This arm would focus on concrete support and empowerment, including:

• Youth leadership academies where young Belizeans can learn organizing skills, public speaking, research, and advocacy. 

• Community entrepreneurship labs that help people turn ideas into viable small businesses, cooperatives, or social enterprises. 

• Continued versions of the breakfast programs and educational support UBAD pioneered, updated for today’s realities. 

• Spaces for healing and mental health, recognizing the trauma of violence, poverty, and marginalization.

3. The Political Arm

This arm would engage directly in politics, but only after the cultural and community foundations are strong. Its responsibilities would include:

• Policy development — crafting proposals on housing, education, justice reform, youth employment, and more. 

• Training potential candidates in ethical leadership, accountability, and strategic campaigning. 

• Building a data and research team to study Belizean public opinion, social conditions, and policy impact. 

• Running candidates first at the local and municipal level, where change is most immediately visible, before scaling to national contests.

What makes this model different from typical third-party efforts is that it does not start with elections. It starts with people. With identity. With community. Elections come later — as a natural extension of the movement, not as its core purpose.

PART VII: A VISION FOR BELIZE’S NEXT GENERATION

If Belize were to embrace a UBAD 2.0 moment, what could the future look like?

Imagine a Belize where political conversations do not begin and end with “red or blue,” but instead with questions like: What kind of society do we want? How do we treat the most vulnerable among us? How do we honor all the cultures that make us who we are?

Imagine a Belize where youth are not told to “wait their turn,” but are actively invited into leadership, trained, and supported. A Belize where a 19-year-old from a small village can see a clear path from their current life toward meaningful influence in their community, based on talent and commitment, not just family name.

Imagine a Belize where the diaspora is not simply a source of remittances, but a partner in development — supporting cultural projects, entrepreneurship, and political innovation.

Imagine a Belize where community programs are not photo opportunities during campaign season, but year-round commitments. Where people know that if they need help, they can go to a movement office in their area and find not just charity, but dignity and solidarity.

That is not fantasy. It is a possibility — one that UBAD gestured toward, even if it did not live long enough to fully realize it.

CONCLUSION: UBAD WAS THE ALARM. WE ARE THE AWAKENING.

UBAD’s story is not a relic of a bygone era. It is a mirror held up to Belizean society, asking us to consider what kind of nation we want to be.

UBAD asked the foundational questions: Who are we? Who benefits from the current system? Who is left out? What would it take to build a Belize where dignity is not a privilege, but a baseline?

Those questions remain unanswered, or at best, only partially answered.

Belize does not need to resurrect UBAD exactly as it was. History does not move backward. But Belize does need to reclaim UBAD’s courage, its clarity, its insistence that culture and politics cannot be separated, and its belief that young people have a central role to play in shaping the future.

UBAD was the alarm bell that rang before many were ready to wake up.

Today, we no longer have the luxury of sleeping through the noise.

Crime, inequality, environmental threats, global economic pressures, and internal disillusionment are all converging. If ever there were a time to remember UBAD’s lessons and adapt them for a new generation, it is now.

UBAD cracked the door open.

It is our generation’s task — and our responsibility — to walk through it, widen it, and build a Belize on the other side that is freer, fairer, and more faithful to the people who call it home.

UBAD was the alarm.

We are the awakening.

REFERENCES

Amandala Newspaper Archives. 1969–1974. Belize City, Belize.

Belize Archives and Records Service (BARS). Political History Files.

British Honduras Colonial Government. Government Documents, 1965–1974.

Hyde, Evan X. The Crowd Called UBAD. Belize City: The Angelus Press, 1970.

Journal of Pan-African Studies. “The Case for a Belizean Pan-African Identity.”

Nowottny, Mark. “Not Tyrants Here, but …” London School of Economics (LSE).

SPEAR (Society for the Promotion of Education and Research). Publications.

Statistical Institute of Belize (SIB). Demographic and socioeconomic indicators.

University of the West Indies (UWI). Caribbean Black Power Archives.

Wikipedia Contributors. “United Black Association for Development.” Wikipedia.

Shoman, Assad; Encalada, Nigel; Muhammad, Nuri; Straughan, Jerome.